Sunday, 12 May 2013

MUHAMMAD (s.a.w) AND HIS MARRIAGES


In Islam, marriage has been declared obligatory, and except in the case of a disability, celibacy is forbidden. Therefore, the Holy Prophetsaw states: To marry is part of my practice, and he who does not follow my practice is not of me. 1
Holy Prophet Muhammadsaw was a human being like the rest of us. He was commanded in the Holy Quran (18:111):
Tell them: I am but a man like unto you; it is revealed to me that your God is One God. So let him who hopes to meet his Lord work righteously and let him associate no one in the worship of his Lord.
Every prophet of God is said to be a man. Each of them was a guide to his respective followers. A superhuman being cannot be a prophet that is raised for the benefits of human beings. If a prophet is superhuman, His faculties, capacities, sentiments, reactions, reflexes, and all his values would be different from those of men. Even if he could understand men in every respect, men would not be able to understand, appraise and assess him completely. Thus, being a man like unto other men, Holy Prophet Muhammadsaw was not different from them; he had similar faculties and capacities and he could understand them perfectly. So would they, if they tried being able to understand him.
It may be said that a prophet is different from other men. This is true in a certain sense, but the difference is only one of degree, and not of kind. Every human being has a distinct personality and thus differs from his fellows in certain respects. His physical and mental characteristics and equipment may differ from those of the men with whom he associates and among whom he moves about. The only specialty of a prophet in respect of which he is distinguished from other men is that he enjoys an intense degree of communion with God. But even in that respect, those who believe in him and associate with him can share with him, to a greater or lesser degree, in such communion. They can understand him perfectly. 2
In view of the above, it is expected that the Holy Prophetsaw would live his life like a man and not otherwise. And more so that Allah the Almighty Himself declares him to be one of human beings:
Surely, a Messenger has come unto you from among yourselves…
[Holy Qur’an 9:128]
One of the obligatory aspects of a man is marriage. It is this aspect of the Prophetsaw’s life that we intend to look at in this piece.
Marriage for a prophet, a law-bearing prophet, for that matter, is especially necessary, not only that he may set a model of superior domestic relations before his community, but also that his wives may facilitate the teaching of religious injunctions. The skill, by which a woman can perform the demonstration and education of affairs relevant to women, cannot be done by a man in the same way. As a matter of fact, if there is no hindrance, a prophet should, as far as possible, marry more than once, so that the task of preaching and educating can be further facilitated. Therefore, we see that a majority of the earlier prophets (on whom be peace), practised polygamy. A majority of the prophets of the Bani Isra’il were those who had more than one wife: Mosesas, Davidas, Solomonas, and several others for instance.   It is strange that the critics, especially the  Christians, accuse the Holy Prophetsaw and Muslims on account of this issue, but they do not stop to cast a glance at their own holy men, whom they believe to be the intimate and chosen messengers of God. Similarly, the prophets of other nations also practised polygamy. Therefore, it is the custom of prophets (on whom be peace) to marry, and if possible, more than once.3 Therefore, if anyone intends to look at the married life of the Holy prophetsaw, it is through the above lens that it should be viewed.
However, when some not well informed people hear that the prophet had many wives they conclude without much thought that the prophet was a sensuous man. They would say that the Holy Prophetsaw was a womanizer, and objections are raised against his marriages. Allah the Almighty knew, however, that such allegations and questions would be raised in the future and so facilitated such incidents which provide the rebuttal to these allegations.4
The number of the Prophetsaw’s wives remains controversial as the circumstances through which he married them. Some writers record his wives to be eleven, some twelve, some thirteen and some even more. Whereas, in pre-Islamic Arabia, there was no limitation on the number of wives one may have, but Muhammadsaw, prior to his ministry maintained a monogamous relationship with his wife Khadijard, while the norm was to have many. With the dawn of Islam, the number came to be limited to four. However, Muhammadsaw, according to Quranic injunction was permitted more due to his status as a Prophet; while history also tells that most of his marriages were of a political nature, to cement political alliances5 and for the removal of social stigmas the then society had placed on some particular classes of women.

Allah the Almighty says in chapter 33 verse number 51:
O Prophet! We have made lawful to thee thy wives whom thou has paid their dowries, and those whom thy right hand possesses from among those whom Allah has given thee as gains of war, and the daughters of thy paternal uncle, and the daughters of thy paternal aunts, and the daughters of thy maternal uncle, and the daughters of thy maternal aunts who have emigrated with thee and any other believing woman if she offers herself for marriage to the prophet provided the prophet desires to marry her: this provision is only for thee, as against other believers- we have already made known what we have enjoined on them concerning their wives and those whom their right hands possess- in order that there may be no difficulty for thee in the discharge of thy work. And Allah is Most Forgiving, Merciful.
The first marriage of the Holy Prophetsaw was solemnized when he was age 25. He remained with only one wife, Hadhrat Khadijahra, who was 15years older, for the next 25years after which the holy consort Khadijahrd passed on. The Prophetsaw was 50 and prophethood had begun. It was only after her death that the Prophetsaw married all other wives. The first two wives married after Khadijahrd were Hadhrat Saudah bint Zam‘ahra and Hadhrat Aaisha bin Abi Bakrrd. The above quoted verse, therefore, discusses the marriages of the prophet after these two marriages. The verse refers to the three kinds of women whom the Holy Prophetsaw could marry in addition to his already wedded wives: 
1.     Women who were taken prisoner in wars against Islam;
2.     Women who had migrated to medina with the holy prophet, and
3.     A woman who should offer herself for marriage to him.
This shows that the Holy Prophetsaw’s marriages were motivated by considerations other than sensuous gratification as his ignorant and mischievous critics try to depict. Those who had left their hearths and homes for the sake of Islam and those whose husbands had been killed in wars fighting in defence of Islam had special claim on the Holy Prophetsaw’s consideration. It is in view of these considerations that he married most of his wives.6
Apart from the already mentioned two wives (Saudahrd and Aa’ishahrd), therefore, the Prophetsaw married Hafsahrd whose husband was killed in the battle of Badr, Zainab bint Khuzaimahrd whose husband was killed in the battle of Uhud, Umm Salmahrd whose husband died in 4 A.H., and Umm Habibahrd, daughter of Abu Sufyan, who became widow in 5 or 6 A.H. (in exile in Abyssinia). He married Juwairiyyahrd and Safiyyahrd, both widows, in 5 A.H. and 7 A.H. respectively, seeking a union with and pacification of their tribes. It is worthy of note that a hundred families of the Bani Mustaliq were librated by Muslims when the Prophetsaw married Juwairiyyahrd. Maimunahrd was another widow. It is recorded that she offered herself to be married by the Prophetsaw. The Prophetsaw accepted the offer in the interest of the education and training of Muslim women. He married Zainabrd, the divorcee of Zaid bin Haarithrd in 5 A.H. in order to put a stop to a foolish custom prevailing among the Arabs and in order to assuage her wounded feelings as the respected lady had felt deeply humiliated at being divorced by Zaidrd. He married Mariahrd in 7 A.H. and thus by raising a freed slave girl to the highly eminent spiritual status of the ‘Mother of Faithful’ he gave a death blow to slavery. The Prophetsaw of Islam married all these wives between 2 A.H. and 7 A.H., a period when he was constantly engaged in active fighting and his life perpetually in danger and the fate of Islam itself hung in the balance. After this he lived for about three years as a virtual ruler of the whole of Arabia when comforts and amenities of life were at his disposal and yet he entered into no further marriage.7
From the above analysis, it is crystal clear that the marriages of the Holy Prophetsaw were not to satisfy any sensual desire but for the fulfillment of his prophetic assignments. All his marriages were to fulfill the responsibilities of his prophethood; to pass on Islam to the next generations as a practical legacy. By marrying these pious women, he was able to insure that the female population was adequately trained in the new religion. With his marriages he taught Muslims compassion with women and abolished certain customs, and removed the social stigmas that were so firmly attached to slaves, widows, elderly women and divorcees. To the Muslim society, he proved that there was nothing undesirable in these types of women as marriage prospects.
Most of his marriages were after migration to Medina. During those eight years he had to fight defensive wars, as mentioned earlier. He had to teach Islam, lead daily prayers, and he was spending most of his nights in prayer. If one analyzes the kind of heavy responsibilities he had during that time period, one would wonder how much time he was spending with his wives. It must also be remembered that the faith that he preached forbade intoxicants, looked unfavorably on comforts and luxuries, and that the Holy Prophetsaw’s own life was a model of simplicity and rigorous asceticism. The Holy Qur'an has inculcated the spirit that should inspire the relationship between husband and wife: ‘Of His Signs it is that He has created mates for you of your own species that you may find peace of mind through them, and He has put love and tenderness between you.’ (30:22). Then there is the admonition, ‘Consort with them graciously. Should you dislike them, it may be that you dislike something in which Allah has placed much good’ (4:20).
The Holy Prophet summed it up in these words, ‘The best among you is the one who treats his spouse well and in that respect I am better than all of you.’ (Tirmidhi). 8

An American Justice Pierre Craibites has rightly observed:
Muhammad, 1300 years ago assured to the mothers, wives, and daughters of Islam a rank and dignity not yet generally assured to women by the laws of the West.9

Karen Armstrong also wrote in her book Muhammad: a Prophet for our times:
The Qur’anic institution of polygamy was a piece of social legislation. It was designed not to gratify the male sexual appetite, but to correct the injustices done to widows, orphans, and other female dependants, who were especially vulnerable.10
           


What a marvelous light
            And radiance is to be found
In the life and person
Of Muhammad! Indeed this is a mine
Wonderfully rich in rubies
Of priceless worth.
Look wheresoever I may,
In the two worlds
I can absolutely find no one
With the greatness and grandeur
Of  this greatest benefactor
Of the human race.
If thou long to obtain
Deliverance from the lust
Of thy mind, then come
To include thyself
Among his devotees.
And if at all thou desire
That Allah should hold thee
Worthy of praise,
From the bottom of thy heart
Begin to sing his praises.
Of this if thou long for proof,
Become thou his admirer, and lover,
Then watch for the results,
For the life and person
Of Muhammad, in themselves,
Constitute conclusive and shining
Proof of his greatness.11





















Endnotes:
  1. Hadhrat Mirza Bashir Ahmad, ‘The Life and Character of the Seal of the Prophets’, The Review of Religions, February 2012, vol. 107, issue two,
pp. 17
  1. Zafrullah Khan, Muhammad: The Seal of Prophets, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1980
  2. Hadhrat Mirza Bashir Ahmad, op. cit,
  3. Hadhrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad, The True Love of Holy Prophetsaw, Islam International Publications, United Kingdom, 2012, pp. 15
  4.  http://www.alislam.org/egazette/articles/CONFUCIUS-BUDDHA-JESUS-  MUHAMMAD. Last date accessed: 4/12/2012 14:28:00
  5.   Hadhrat Mirza Bashiruddeen Mahmud Ahmad, The Holy Quran with English Translation and Commentary, Vol. 4, Islam International Publications, United Kingdom, 1988, pp 2129-2130.
  6. Ibid
  7. Khaula Rehman MD, ‘Polygamy in the Holy Qur'an and the life of Holy Prophetsaw’,  The Muslim Sunrise, spring 2010, Vol. 90, issue 1
  8.  Ibid
  9.   Karen Armstrong, Muhammad: A Prophet for our times. Harper Collins, 2006.
  10. Hadhrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, The Promised Messiah, ‘Light of Muhammad’, The Review of Religions, Vol. LXXXVI NO.2 February 1991, pp 36


Thursday, 9 May 2013

WHERE IS HE?

"O mankind, We have created you from a male and a female; and We have made you tribes and sub-tribes that you may know one another. Verily, the most honourable among you, in the sight of Allah, is he who is the most righteous among you. Surely, Allah is All-Knowing, All-Aware."
(The Holy Qur'an, Chapter 49 Verse 14)

The Above verse "constitutes the Magna Carta of human fraternity and equality. It lays the axe at the false and foolish notions of superiority...all men have being declared equal before God. The Worth of a man is not to be judged by the pigment of his skin, the amount of wealth he possesses, or by rank or social status, descent or pedigree, but by his moral greatness and by the way in which he discharges his obligations to God and man. The whole of human race is but one family." 

(The Holy Qur'an with Short Commentary, (2002) Ghulam Farid (ed.), pg 1042)

Ralph Maxwell Lewis says:
"If you would know a mystic, don't confine your search to Monasteries and temples, but look for him also in the hamlets and in the hustle and bustle of the great cosmopolitan centres of the world. When you find a man or a woman who is industrious, studious, compassionate, loved by his neighbours, tolerant in his religious views and who can point out to you the magnificence of God in the simplest thing, you have found a mystic. With this whether or not he be attired in sacerdotal robe or the overall of a mechanic, he is nonetheless a mystic."

Where is he who fits in to the above descriptions?

Wednesday, 8 May 2013

CONCEPT OF WOMANHOOD IN YORÙBÁ SOCIETY OF WEST-AFRICA


Philosophy, according to Sinclair (1945:9) is ‘the attempt to understand the universe and ourselves and our place in the universe, whether for theoretical interest or for material practical purposes’ (Afolabi-Ojo, 1966:194). He further explains that ‘We are all philosophers in so far as we all have some views about the universe and our place in it.’ (ibid.)  Many human societies philosophically view mundane and ethereal issues differently. Reason being that it is human beings that make up the societies. Since human beings do not think alike, their conclusions on issues are sure to be different.   Many are controversial issues among the philosophers and the so-called non-philosophers alike. Womanhood is an issue which has been on the tongues and ball-points of scholars since the time immemorial. Religious circle is also not excluded. While in many societies like the occidental and oriental, women have not been given their natural places as human beings, until very recently; some others have not had problems of even discussing it because there is no need for it. Among the latter group is the Yorùbá Society of Africa.

Concept of Womanhood is the philosophical ideas, thoughts, and views about the beingness of woman within a given society. In this paper, we shall be looking at the concept in the context of Yorùbá philosophy and how real it is.   
It is true that in many societies, women are said to be at the receiving end, i.e. not being placed in their natural pedestal as human beings; and even looked at with contempt. In the pre-colonial Yorùbá society, women are not seen to be back-benchers. Whatever negative view that is heard or read about the woman in Yorùbá oral or written literature is contextual and therefore cannot be used as a yardstick to measure the general view or philosophical opinions of the entire society about woman. “…a few isolated examples do not constitute a theory,…” (David Crystal). Enikan lo pari niluu nilu dilu apari. (It is a single person in a town that is bald-headed before the town is christened bald-headed town). For example, the following Yorùbá oral verses were profusely quoted by Adefioye Oyesakin (1985:38-39) to support his opinion of “Women as Agents of Indiscipline in Yoruba traditional Poetry”:

Eke!         What a hypocrite!
Obinrin         Woman!
A fe e,           When love is proposed to her,
O ko.             She refuses
O rowo,        But when offered money
O wale          She packs straight in (sic.)
Obinrin-binrin lo seku p’Onikoyi.
Sigidi to ni ko gbodo jose,
Obinrin fun Sigidi lose je.
Eyi ti won ni ko gbodo jepo,
Obinrin bu epo fun un mu.
Eyi ti ko gbodo to iyo wo,
Obinrin mu iyo o fun un niyo
Je ni tire. (sic.)

(A mere woman caused the premature death of Onikoyi,
Sigidi that he said should never taste soap,
The woman fed it with soap.
The one that should not taste palm oil,
The woman scoop up palm oil and made Sigidi drink it.
The one that should not taste salt,
The woman deliberately made it take salt). [sic.]

As earlier mentioned, these verses and their likes abound with historical and contextual meanings. In some other philosophical sayings of Yorùbás, men are also underrated in the society; women have been placed and appreciated far above them. Sheba (2006:43-44) informs us of some Yorùbá adages among many on this point that:

Faa laa jogun iya; aninilara bi ogun baba
(Maternal inheritance is enjoyable while paternal one always involves serious problems.)

Iya lalabaro omo lojo buburu.
(Mother is a comforter to the child on difficult days.

(Iya nii deni lade adeisi, baba nii deni lade gbangba)
(It is mother who gives one a permanent crown; it is father who crowns one in the open.)

Iya ni ore omo
(Mother is the friend of the child.)

Iya ni wura
(Mother is gold…) (sic.)

Woman is not seen by the society as a separate being that is ‘different’ from man except ONLY on the basis of her biological frame of her being. Oyewumi (1997:12) supports our position on this.  She says:

In Yoruba society…social relations derive their legitimacy from social facts, not from biology. The bare biological facts of pregnancy and parturition count only in regard to procreation, where they must.
The above assertion is complemented by what Judith Butler (1999: 11) notes:

It would make no sense, then, to define gender as the cultural interpretation of sex, if sex itself is a gendered category…gender is not to culture as sex is to nature…
In the same vein, Yorùbá society does not recognize merit on gender basis. They share words of Karl Jasper (1979:232) as quoted by Ajíkòbi (1999:3):

Man is man because he recognizes merit in himself and every other human.
Yorùbás have always been looking at woman as half a body of society, which, if missed, the other half is definitely bound to be useless. Women take their active positions in the society from the micro level of family to the larger society.
Therefore, we shall be discussing womanhood from the following angles:


Woman in the family
Woman in the religious activities
Woman in the political activities

WOMAN AS A MEMBER OF FAMILY IN YORÙBÁ SOCIETY

That a daughter is born in a family is never seen as a bad omen like in some societies. Both genders are welcome in the Yorùbá family with all fanfare. The family members would even posit that ‘Owo ero lo fi bere (lit. She starts with softness/gentleness) when a wife gives birth to a baby-girl. ‘Gbogbo lomo (Either male or female child, there is no difference); ‘Ko si iketa omo; atokunrin atobinrin’ (there is no third child after male and female). Thus, woman is seen as a full member of the family from birth.

As the female child grows up, she assumes her roles and responsibilities ordinarily as a member of the family, NOT as a female. Although she is expected to fulfill extra responsibilities; it is as a form of further and former training to be able to meet up with her higher tasks as a mother in the not too far future in the same society. If she is not well trained, no suitor would want to seek her hand in marriage. It is only for this reason that a female child is seen to be performing more tasks in the house than the male child.
Woman is never downgraded in the family because of her gender as earlier emphasized. As the Yorùbás call the first son of the family DAODU; first daughter of the family is also known as BEERE. In absence of her parents from the house, she assumes the responsibility of being the head of the family. Tradition does not allow any of her male siblings to go against her instructions. If the parents are present, all her aburos (juniors) are her errand boys and girls to facilitate her responsibilities for the family because she is Egbon (senior). Oyewumi (1997:40) has this to say on the issue of seniority among the Yorùbás without an iota of bias against any gender:

Seniority is the primary social categorization that is immediately apparent In Yoruba language. Seniority is the social ranking of persons based on their chronological ages… Age relativity is the pivotal principle of social organization.
A very important aspect of social issues in Yorùbá society is inheritance. Woman is never excluded in the inheritance of her parents in the traditional Yorùbá society.  He has access to inheritance of both the father and her mother. Many philosophical sayings of Yorùbás are full of information on this. Example of such as translated by Ajíkòbi (op cit: 82-83) runs thus:

If you come across a woman
Inquire of her if she has some yam-cuttings
If you come across a man,
Inquire of him if he has some yam-cutting.
Since one cannot know whose deceased father must have left some yam-cuttings in his yam-heaps (for his children to inherit). (sic.)

Ajíkòbi (ibid: 83) further dilates on the above wit that:
This maxim simply indicates that both sexes have equal consideration in the inheriting of the vital means of life-the land in the Yoruba laws and culture.

Barnes, S.T. (n.d.) in Ajíkòbi (ibid: 82) explains the inheritance opportunity for both women and men in the Yorùbá society that:

Women and men do, however, inherit urban real estate with equal rights shared among siblings, and they inherit rights to use rooms in their natal homes whether rural or urban.

As a wife, woman in the traditional Yorùbá society is pampered. Ajíkòbi (ibid:75) explains this concept clearly that:

…it was a popular practice in the pre-colonial era in Yorubaland that newly wedded wives were not allowed to work for the first three years. They were fully catered for and pampered by their spouses.

He (ibid) cites an axiom in Ifa verse – Ogbe-Iyonu/ Ogbe-Ogunda as found in Popoola, A. (1990:24) to support this philosophy:

Ó sá taara
Ó rìn taara
Òtààrà, taara n’isàn odò
Ojú Odún méta,
L’obinrin fi i  jeun owó oko. [sic.]

He [ibid] gives its translation thus:
He who runs swiftly
He who walks rapidly
The stream flows rapidly
The total dependence of a housewife [i.e new wife] on a husband is for three years.
If in the course of any misunderstanding between her and husband; the society creates an avenue for the woman to be rescued from being maltreated by the husband. Members of Osu ile [Very senior daughters of the family] come to her aid; and even sometimes physically punish the husband without any male family member raising an eye-brow.  
From the foregoing, it is crystal clear that woman is seen and regarded as a full member of Yorùbá family who enjoys her status as one.

WOMAN IN THE RELIGIOUS ACTIVITIES OF YORÙBÁ SOCIETY

Frazer, J.G. (1911:222) in Afolabi-Ojo (1966:158) defines religion as ‘a propitiation or conciliation of powers superior to man, which are believed to direct and control the course of nature and of human life’. This important aspect of human life is not taken with levity hand in the Yorùbá society. Every member of the society takes and performs active role in the matter of religion. Like other African women, Yorùbá women play ‘major and dominant roles’. Ajíkòbi (op. cit.: 61) quotes Awe (1979:16) that:
But it is in the practice of religion that women have contributed most to the Yoruba cultural heritage. They were devotees of most of the known cults in the Yoruba country and they play a significant role in the survival of many cults to the present day. As has been pointed out, some of the women who were priestess of these cults occupied prominent positions in them. Side by side with the priests they conducted the rites that characterises each cult.
Ajíkòbi (op. cit) added a rider:
These female roles are even waxing stronger now than before.
Our argument here is that woman in the traditional Yorùbá society takes her full position as human being. The society at large also naturally takes, accepts and allows her to perform her roles.

Lambo in Ajíkòbi (ibid:62) remarks:

Ti ‘ò bá sí obìnrin ninu awò kan,
Kò i ti i kun to. Awo obinrin lo
jinlè ju gbogbo awo ti Okunrin lo. [sic.]
Any cult that has no female members is not complete.
It is the females’ cult that is deeper than the males’.
An Egba Yorùbá traditional song in Ajíkòbi (ibid) warns not to look at woman’s inclusion in the religious activities with contempt:

Ka ma de p’obinrin ‘o mawo
Awo mejilelogun l’obinrin mo
Meji to le lori ‘e ree t’okunrin
Gbogbo ogun yooku t’obinrin ni.
We should not say women are uninformed aboutesoteric cults.
They are initiated into twenty-two (esoteric) cults.
Only the last two are known to men.
The remaining twenty belongs to the women folk. [sic.]
As earlier mentioned, woman in Yorùbá society is not just involved in religious activities; she assumes leadership position over men in many of the traditional religious settings. In the Opa cult, Iya-agan is a leader that must be obeyed.
According to Matthews, A (1991:108) in Ajíkòbi (ibid: 63), a Opa song declares the essence of Iya-Agan that:

Opa á pa’lúwa ré
Eni tó bá f’ojú d’ìyá-àgan
Opa á pa’lúwa ré
Eni tó bá f’ojú d’ìyá-àgan
Eni mòjàa Sàngó
Kò jé f’osé ‘è sere
Opa á pa’lúwa ré
Eni tó bá f’ojú d’ìyá-àgan
Opa will kill the person
He who disregards the Iya-agan
He who had experienced the wrath of Sango
Will never fiddle with his ose staff
Opa will kill the person.
He who disregards the Iya-Agan. [sic.]
According to Sobande (1976:6) as read in Ajikobi (ibid: 62-63), the position of Erelu Osugbo (Female leader in Osugbo cult) cannot be underestimated:

Dá ‘gi ké
Dá’gi ké
Àkéké ‘ò lè dá’gi ké
Dá’gi là
Dá’gi là
Dlìlà ‘ò lè dá’gi là
Bí ‘ò s’Érelú
Òsùgbó ‘ò leé d’áwo se [sic.]
Able to cut the tree solely
Able to cut the tree solely
The axe cannot solely cut the tree
Able to split the tree
Able to split the tree
The axe cannot solely split the tree
In the absence of the Erelu
The Osugbo cult members cannot hold any meeting.
The above songs are of many philosophical statements in Yorùbá society that explain and approve the religious status of woman.
WOMAN IN THE POLITICAL ACTIVITIES
In the political arena, Yorùbá woman is not found wanting. She is not debarred to play her role. Examples of women who grew to the apex of their political carriers are numerous to mention.   In the Yorùbá traditional civil society, the highest position is the Oba. Women have attained to this position in the society. Awe (op. cit : 14-15) in Ajíkòbi (ibid:43-44) writes to mention few of these female Obas:

Oral traditions however record the existence of a few female rulers in the past, such as Owaluse who reigned in Ilesa, Oluawo, the female ooni to who was attributed the potshed ‘pavement’ in Ile-Ife and thefemale twin ruler of Ondo. Descent through the female line is also not unusual in some of the ruling houses. [sic.]
Ilesanmi (1987:24) in Ajíkòbi (ibid :44) also has this to say:

Àwon Owá tó jé obìnrin ní Ilésà wà lára àwon tó di Òòsà ní ilè náà lonìí. Lára won ni Owá Waaji, Owá Waaye, OwáAyero and Owá Ori. [sic.]
The female owas in Ilesa are among those deified in the land today. Among them are Owa Waaji, owa Waaye, Owa Wayero and owa Ori.
In a list of Owas of Ilesa (in the present Osun State of Nigeria) presented by Aluko, J.O. (1993:6) in Ajíkòbi (ibid.), the following female Owas reigned in Ilesa, now in Osun state of Nigeria:

1. Owa Obokun Yeye-Ladega
2. Owa Obokun Yeyegunrogbo
3. Owa Obokun Yeyewaji
4. Owa Obokun Yeyewaye
5. Owa Obokun Yeyewayero
6. Owa Obokun Yeyeori.
In Akure, the capital of Ondo state of Nigeria, the following three women were also crowned as Deji (Ajíkòbi, ibid: 45):

1. Eye Aro      1393-1419
2. Eye Mohin 1705-1735
3. Amaro        1850-1851
In the traditional political setting of Lagos (Island), the Erelu is the official mother of Elékòó (Oba of Lagos). Takiu Folami (1982:115), according to Ajíkòbi (ibid.):
The history of the Obaship or traditional chiftancy of Lagos would be incomplete without mentioning a powerful woman who has unknowingly changed the course of the history. She was known as Erelú Kútì.

In the lineage, the fourth Erelu is in office. She is Her Royal Highness, Erelú Abiola Dosumu, Erelú Kútì IV. On 30th July 2010, this writer, with other course mates, paid her a courtesy visit. Below is a statement made by her on the traditional political setting of Lagos:

If an Oba makes a statement that is wrong, the Erelú Kútì answers him back immediately … He (the Oba) knows his limitation. He cannot go beyond a certain point. Because if he does, he knows that the Erelú Kútì will fire back!                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   

Oral account of Lagos reveals that the Erelu is the leading king maker of Oba of Lagos. And whenever she has any cause to visit the Ìgà (palace) of the Oba, the Oba ceases to preside on any issue as long as the Erelu remains there.
These explain how powerful Erelú Kútì (a woman!) is in the traditional politics of Lagos of yesterday and today.

In essence, we have established that woman is never looked at as a ‘woman’ in the society.  She is a being whose existence and presence in the society cannot be carpeted. Yorùbá traditional society does not subscribe to the notion that:
In the time of our forefather, women were regarded as the personal property of their husbands who could treat them as they wished. (Women and the Law, FIDA (Anambra/Enugu Zone, family Law Centre Publication, 1993:3)
The society is in support of what one of her icons, Oyewumi (Op. cit: 156), declares:

In yorùbáland, the transformation of obinrin into…‘women of no account’ was at the essence of the colonial impact as a gendered process. Colonization, besides being a racist process, was also a process by which male hegemony was instituted and legitimized in African societies.

We deem it appropriate to conclude that in the mythology of Yorùbá, woman is the guardian of all what is good. Osun (the goddess of river) was chosen to be the keeper of good things created by the Olódùmarè (The Almighty). 16 males (Odù) were sent to the world, Osun was the only woman among them. Abiodun (1989:5) informs us in Makinde (2004:171-172) of the Odù Ifá that explains this:

Ni igba ti won nbo lati ajule orun
Olodumare yan gbogbo ohun to dara
O si yan oluso
Eyi si je obinrin [sic.]

When they were coming from heaven
God chose all good things
He also chose their keeper
And this was a woman

A typical nursery song goes thus to tell us how high esteem the traditional Yoruba society holds woman:

Iya ni wura iyebiye
Ti a ko le f’owora
O l’oyun mi f’osu mesan
O pon mi f’odun meta
Iya ni wura iyebiye
Ti a ko le f’owora [sic]
Mother is a precious gold
That cannot be purchased with money
She carried me in her womb for nine months
She nursed me for three years
Mother is a precious gold
That cannot be purchased with money. (Makinde 2004:165)
References:
Afolabi-Ojo, G.J. (1966), Yoruba Culture, London: University of London Press Ltd.

Ajíkòbi, O.O., (1999), What Does an African ‘New Woman’ Want?, Lagos:
Publications Ark

Butler, J., (1999), Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity,
                                London: Routledge
Oyesakin, A. (1985): ‘Women as Agents of Indiscipline in Yoruba Traditional
Poetry’, Nigeria Magazine, Lagos, vol. 53, no. 2, April-June, Abalogu, U.N. (ed.)

Oyewumi, O. (1997), The Invention of Women, U.S.A.: University of Minnesota  
                                Press
Sheba, L. (2006), Yorùbá Proverbs with Feminine Lexis, Ibadan:
Spectrum Books Limited

Makinde, T. (2004), “Motherhood as A Source Of Empowerment of Women in
                               Yoruba Culture”, Nordic Journal of African Studies